Hämäläinen v Finland - Guest Post by Silvia Falcetta
I am delighted to post a critical commentary by Silvia Falcetta on the Grand Chamber judgment in Hämäläinen v Finland.
Silvia is undertaking doctoral work at the State University of Milan. Her PhD research is a sociological study of ECHR jurisprudence in respect of LGBT rights, which incorporates analysis of the decisions and judgments of the Court and the former Commission, as well as the role of NGOs and third party interventions in the litigation process.
Many thanks to Silvia for this interesting and insightful piece.
Hämäläinen v. Finland
By
Silvia Falcetta
The
Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights has last week issued an important judgment on
gender identity in the area of family life, addressing the question of the
conversion of a marriage into a civil partnership due to the identity change of
one of the spouses. The applicant is a transgender woman who wishes to obtain
the full recognition of her new gender identity without severing the wedlock
with her wife.
Ms.
Hämäläinen at birth was assigned the male sex, she always felt a female but decided
to cope with the situation (§10). In 1996 she married a woman and in 2002 they
had a daughter. According to the Finnish Act on Confirmation of the Gender of a
Transsexual, Act, the confirmation of such status required that the person was
not married or that the spouse gave his/her consent to the transformation of
the marriage in a civil partnership, the only legal recognition granted to
same-sex couples by Finnish law. The applicant could, however, overcome the
refusal of the spouse by divorcing and, thus, obtaining the fully recognition
of new gender identity. Both the applicant and her wife refused this option,
stating that a divorce would contrast with their personal and religious
beliefs, and appealed for a repeal of this requirement. Having exhausted
national remedies without success, the applicant complained to the European
Court of Human Rights that the dispositions of the Act constituted a violation
of article 8, 12 and 14 of the Convention. On 13 November 2012 the Fourth
Section of the Court rejected unanimously the complaint on all counts, adopting
a reasoning further subjected to academic critical analysis. Consequently, the
applicant requested that the case be transferred to the Grand Chamber, hoping
for a quash of the original judgment.
The
Grand Chamber rejected with a significant majority, 14 to 3, the complaint,
confirmed the previous Chamber judgment and it held that there had been no
violation of article 8 and article 14 taken in conjunction with article 8 and
12. Furthermore, the Court found no need to examine the case under article 12
of the Convention. The Grand Chamber, thus, endorsed a doctrine of
self-restraint in transgender and same-sex marriage and confirmed the legal
relevance of the “State interest in maintaining the traditional institution of
marriage intact”.
Two forms of reasoning arise in the judgment: the Court, on one side, allowed a wide national
margin of appreciation on moral and sensitive issues, reaffirming a standpoint
sympathetic to an heteronormative conception of law. Dissenting judges, on the
other, challenged the Court's jurisprudence with regard to transgender and same
sex marriage and strongly argued in favor of a more dynamic approach to the
Convention.
A
number of relevant facets emerge through the dialectic between the parts, I
will flesh out only four issues here.
The symbolic meaning of
marriage
The
argument of the applicant for the recognition of her marriage heavily rests on
the symbolic significance of marriage and on the alleged right not to be forced
to terminate a marriage against personal religious beliefs (§44). Mr.
Cojocariu, the applicant’s lawyer, recognized, on a post on this blog, that
according to Finnish law registered partnership are quite identical to marriage
in terms of the rights and benefits conferred on the spouses as well in
relation to their children, and he added that the case for the legal
recognition of a cisgender heterosexual marriage should be reconnected to the
very social and religious meaning of marriage itself.
The
symbolic significance of legal institutions, among which marriage is one of the
most preeminent, is deeply analyzed in legal studies, as well as in political theory
and social sciences[1]. Eminent
scholars have approached the struggle for same-sex marriage from this
standpoint and they disputed that being denied of right
to marry leads to a unjustified exclusion from one of the most “defining
rituals” of collective life[2].
Hämäläinen v. Finland has, thus, highlighted a core issue, underpinned by the whole
strategic litigation policy on same sex couples, namely the refusal of separate
but equal legal remedies because of the discrimination they reproduce.
Dissenting
judges – Sajó, Keller, Lemmens - accorded a high degree of relevance to the
point, stating:
It is in our view that the
majority didn’t take into account the fact that the applicant and her spouse
are deeply religious. (…) Given their religious background, the applicant and
her spouse cannot simply change their marriage into partnership, as this would
contradict their religious beliefs. (…) We believe that the majority did not
take important factual information sufficiently into account ( Joint
Dissenting opinion of Judges Sajó, Keller and Lemmen, §6)
The
Court, indeed, recalled the religious beliefs of the applicant (§38), but didn’t
take this aspect into consideration and, in determining the existence of a
breach of article 8, the majority clearly abided only by practical and
effective rights provided by marriage and civil partnership, stating:
The Court cannot therefore uphold the applicant’s
complaint that the conversion of a marriage into a registered partnership would
be akin to a divorce (§ 84)
The Court considers that the effects of the conversion of
the applicant’s marriage into a registered partnership would be minimal or non-
existent as far as the applicant’s family life is concerned. (…) It does not
therefore matter, from the point of view of the protection afforded to family
life, whether the applicant’s relationship with her family is based on marriage
or registered partnership (§85)
The
Court went on, then to say:
The minor differences between these two legal concepts are
not capable of rendering the current Finnish system deficient (§ 87).
It may
be argued that the Court is willing to refuse whatsoever referral to moral or
symbolic conceptions of marriage; instead, the Grand Chamber has confirmed the
legal relevance of “the State’s interest in maintaining the traditional
institution of marriage intact” (§38), sharpening considerations already
introduced in Schalk and Kopf and X. v Others judgments. Consequently, the Court
seems deeply anchored to an heteronormative and asymmetric conception of
marriage, since it addresses morals to affirm the particular status of heterosexual
marriage but it refuses to use the same approach in order to critically
evaluate the exclusion of same-sex couples from it.
Positive and negative
obligations
Whereas
the Grand Chamber held that the central issue was to determine whether respect for the applicant’s private and family life entails a positive obligation on the State
to provide an effective and accessible procedure to have her new gender legally
recognized while remaining married (§64), dissenting judges adopted the
opposite standpoint and argued that the Court should have examined the case “as
a potential breach of a negative obligation, for it neither requires any major
steps by the State authorities nor entails important social or economic
implications” (§4).
I
argue that the relevance of this doctrinal disagreement is extremely important
as it is grounded on a opposite evaluation of a possible distinction between
transgender and same sex marriage and, besides, it leads to different conceptions
of the right to marry secured by the Convention. Departing from the dissenters’
standpoint, there is room for a peculiar interpretation of Article 12,
according to which the Convention should protect the right of men and women to
marry as well as the right to “remained married unless compelling reasons
justify an interference with the civil status of the spouses” (Joint Dissenting opinion of Judges Sajó, Keller and Lemmen,§
16). The Court could have, then, imposed on the defendant State the negative
obligation to unlink the confirmation of a new gender identity from the civil
status of the applicant, without recognizing the access to marriage for
same-sex couples. As stressed by the minority, such an argument has a legal
grounding, being it recently adopted in three judgments of Constitutional Court
of Austria, Germany and Italy, which have overturned decisions requiring the dissolution of pre-existing
marriages as a precondition for the legal acknowledgment of acquired gender,
without imposing same-sex marriage (§16). The
Court, however, reiterated that “the applicant claim, if accepted, would in
practice lead to a situation in which two persons of the same sex could be
married to each other” and reaffirmed the conservative interpretation, according to which neither Article 8
nor Article 12 of the Convention can be interpreted as imposing an obligation
on Contracting States to grant same-sex couples access to marriage (Schalk and Kopf §96, §101).
The approach
to the margin of appreciation and the consensus analysis: different doctrinal
and methodological standpoints
The
evaluation of the case under positive obligations directly affects the use of
the doctrine of the margin of appreciation and the consensus analysis.
According
to a well established jurisprudence, the States enjoy a certain margin of
appreciation that, in implementing positive obligations, becomes wider either
in absence of a common consensus within the member Parties of Council of Europe
or where the case raises sensitive moral and ethical issues (§ 67 present
judgment, X,Y,Z v. the Uk §44, Fretté v. France §41, Goodwin v. Uk §85). In the
present case the Court didn’t depart at all from previous judgments and made a
severe statement that cut off, at least for now, hopes of LGB and T activists
and supporters:
The margin must be in principle extended both to the
State’s decision whether or not to enact legislation concerning legal
recognition of the new gender of post-operative transsexuals and, having
intervened, to the rules it lays down in order to achieve a balance between the
competing public and private interests (§75).
A fair
balance between competing values should be achieved through the consensus
analysis, as far as even this doctrine has been subject to sharp and punctual critique.
The evaluation of a common consensus collides with the primary task of the
Convention to secure fundamental rights in the area of Council of Europe, since
it refers to numbers and not values. Moreover, as Benvenisti argues, this
doctrine is flawed from a theoretical perspective and harmful from a practical
one. “By resorting to this device, the Court eschews responsibility for its
decisions (…). It stops short of fulfilling the crucial task of becoming the
external guardian against the tyranny by majorities[3]”.
The
methodology of evaluating the existence of the consensus is also not univocally
established. Let’s compare the Court’s reasoning to the dissenters’ one in the
present case: the Court chose a static and narrow approach, turning only to
those States that while permitting transgender marriage don’t recognize
same-sex marriage. Besides, dissenting judges noted that the proof of a
consensus must not depend on the existence of a common approach in
super-majority of States and stated that the Court has some discretion
regarding its acknowledgment of trends (Joint Dissenting opinion of Judges Sajó, Keller and Lemmen, § 5).
Departing from this dynamic and evolutive conception of the Convention, there
is a growing consensus on transgender rights: an increasing number of CoE States
is dealing with the issue and several non European countries have recognized
the existence of a third gender (Joint
Dissenting opinion of Judges Sajó, Keller and Lemmen, § 5) §7.). The Grand
Chamber has reversed the fundamental passage in the landmark Goodwin judgment
according to which “The Court attaches less importance to the lack of evidence
of a common European approach to the resolution (…) than to the clear and
uncontested evidence of a continuing international trend” (Goodwin § 85 in H v.
Finland Joint Dissenting opinion
of Judges Sajó, Keller and Lemmen, § 5).
The
Court, thus, accorded to national legislator latitude both in the substantial
and in the structural aspect of margin of appreciation, posing under threat the
universalistic aspiration of the Convention as well as the protection of minorities.
I would like to end this paragraph recalling concerns raised on the point by
Eyal Benvenisti:
This policy put quite
a heavy burden on the advocates of the promotion of individuals and minority
rights who must spread resources among the diverse national institutions in
their effort to promote human rights. Only if they succeed in a sufficient
number of jurisdictions will the Court be convinced that the status quo has
changed and react accordingly. Such a policy cannot be said to be promoting
human rights, especially not minority rights[4]
The separatism strategy: endorsing a heteronormative
conception of marriage
I
would like to close my reflection with a critical evaluation of the strategy
followed by the applicant. With the term “separatism strategy” I refer to the
deliberate choice of the applicant to distinguish her case from the issue of
same-sex marriage. From a number of statements it actually seems that the
applicant is committed to the traditional model of marriage and that she has
displayed the whole reasoning trying to demonstrate that a transgender marriage
perfectly fits to the typical ideal of marriage, precisely because it is a
separate reality from same-sex marriage. This reasoning does not even try to
criticize the heteronormative assumptions of marriage and simply asks for the
inclusions of cisgenders marriages, emphasizing the enduring heterosexual orientation
of spouses. Irrespective of the Grand Chamber final outcome, it is troublesome
that the LGBT movement is so akin to split up, without even questioning the
moral foundations entailed in the jurisprudence of the Court. This point reminds
me of an observation by Morgan: “We have made some gains in being
included in the heteronormative system. But … we have not been very successful
at breaking down that system. We have not managed to challenge the
heteronormative assumptions upon which the system is based[5]”.
This assimilative
perspective could be very dangerous, since it draws efforts and attention to
find the best way to suit to the traditional model of family life without
questioning its discriminatory order.
[1] It appears to be a distinctive feature, embedded with a broader social structure that has historically awarded
the public power with the authority to decide which practices should be
considered valuable
[2] I am here referring to Martha Nussbaum’s essay, “A Right to Marry?”, Vol. 98, California Law
Review (2010), 667.
[3] See E. Benvenisti, “Margin of Appreciation, Consensus, and Universal
Standards”, Vol. 31 New York University Journal of International Law and
Politics (1999), pp. 843-54, at p. 852.
[4] See E. Benvenisti, “Margin of Appreciation, Consensus, and Universal
Standards”, Vol. 31 New York University Journal of International Law and
Politics (1999), pp. 843-54, at p. 851.
[5] See W. Morgan, quoted in Paul Johnson, “Challenging the
Heteronormativity of Marriage: The Role of Judicial Interpretation and
Authority”, Vol. 20, Social & Legal
Studies (2011), p. 352.
See my comments about that "separatism". I see the sexual orientation and gender identity different matters. Though we are perceived as homosexuals with passport problems.
ReplyDeletehttp://helihamalainen.puheenvuoro.uusisuomi.fi/70685-the-homo-train-homojuna